THE House of Representatives is considering a bill that will vest
responsibility for impeaching the president exclusively in the National
Assembly. The legislators want to replicate the powers available to the United
States Congress in this regard by shrinking the role of the Chief Justice of
Nigeria in the impeachment process. The proposed bill will abolish the
constitutional stipulation that empowers the Chief Justice to pass the
impeachment charges from the National Assembly to a seven-person panel whose
decision shall be final. In its place, it will require that the Chief Justice
would preside at the session of the Senate that will convict the president on
the charges that the House of Representatives has impeached him on.
This move, yet another instance of legislative aggrandisement, has little
merit. Nigerians have been manifesting a growing demand for accountability, but
the current impeachment process is not perceived as a barrier to this demand.
Therefore, a review of the impeachment process is not a national priority,
especially when it is not broken. To anchor a major change in the law on the
need to copy the American impeachment model is to take a fallacy to a ridiculous
extent. A more useful act of imitation will be for our legislators to ape the
transparency in what American lawmakers earn.
The provisions of the 1999 Constitution recognise that impeachment is a
serious process. By making the Chief Justice responsible for selecting a panel
to investigate the charges made against a sitting president by the National
Assembly, it ensures that those charges are subjected to credible scrutiny, and
frees the National Assembly from playing the incongruous and unfair role of
accuser and judge. The current process is evidently fairer than the new proposal
which, while pretending to retain the involvement of the judiciary in the
impeachment process, limits that involvement to tokenism.
We agree with the observation of some honourable members that the proposed
bill suffers from poor timing. But that is a relatively puny part of its
defects. It should be rejected for exaggerating the maturity of the National
Assembly to solely and credibly bear responsibility for impeachment. Should it
become law within our current political culture, this new impeachment bill will
severely curtail good governance and the separation of powers. It would
transform the president and the governors into puppets of the legislature, and
subvert the norms of accountability.
And it would doom especially those presidents and governors whose parties
don’t control the legislature. Abdulkadir Balarabe Musa’s PRP government in
Kaduna State was frustrated at every turn by the NPN-dominated legislature which
subsequently impeached him. The transparency of our elections would not be
enhanced if it becomes an imperative to survival for every president/governor to
deliver a majority legislature.
Experience since 1999 has shown that it is indeed possible to subvert an
impeachment process when the chief justice fails to select a disinterested
panel. Recall the Fayose impeachment when the panel’s verdict was discarded by
the Ekiti State House of Assembly which insisted that the governor stood
impeached. Reforming the law to take care of weaknesses such as this is welcome.
But the removal of a president is such a monumental affair that it must accord
with due process, including the protection availed to all citizens against
having the accuser as judge. The House of Representatives should shelve this
needless amendment promptly, because it is a solution looking for a problem, and
problems aplenty would it create. In the unlikely event that the House passes
it, the Senate should simply bin it!
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